MACEDONIA
AND ITS HURDLES ON THE ROAD TO EU AND NATO
Presentation at the Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars
Thursday, January 17 2008, 12:00 p.m. - 1:00 p.m.
7:5.
For also, when we were come into Macedonia, our flesh
had no rest:
but we suffered all tribulation. Combats without, fears
within.
Second
Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians. Bible,
Chapter 7
The
integration of Macedonia in the European Union and NATO
becomes a more complex issue every day. The reasons
for this are both internal for Macedonia, such as the
intricacy of interaction within the Macedonian diverse
environment and the existence of radically opposing
interests; and international, for example Macedonia’s
surroundings and the European Union as a strong and
influential entity. However, at this moment the chief
issue seems to be the fact that members of the EU, protecting
first of all their own interests, mostly disagree than
agree, not always consistently, on many issues and developments
related to Macedonia’s maturity and readiness
to became an EU member. This has significantly slowed
down the process of reaching an agreement on Macedonia’s
fast integration into the European Union.
Over
the last year, the question of whether Macedonia should
be given a date to start the talks for EU membership
or not, has been answered. The answer is unfavorable
and the beginning of the talks is delayed. The EU progress
report on Macedonia is clear. Among many others the
following issues seem to be the major concerns of the
EU:
- the normal functioning of the parliament was disrupted
by a dispute between the government and the main ethnic
Albanian opposition party (Democratic Union for Integration)
-
establishing an inclusive dialogue within the parliament
remains very difficult.
-
several major items of legislation were held up, notably
in relation to judicial reform.
-
On 25 September [2008] there was a confrontation in
Macedonian parliament between the ethnic Albanian parties,
which escalated into physical violence,.Clashes among
MPs from DUI, PDP and DPA broke out during the debate
on the amendments to the Electoral Code. Other people
were also injured, including journalists.
-
cohabitation between the government and the President,
who belongs to an opposition party, has been made all
the more difficult
-
the large-scale dismissals of officials following the
change of government in 2006 illustrated the politicisation
of appointments at all levels in the public administration
and disrupted its functioning well into 2007.
-
The police law has not yet entered into force.
-
judicial reform remains a major challenge, and a sustained
track record of implementation has yet to be established
However,
what is not covered by this diplomatically nicely written
and bureaucratically coldly executed report is a long
list of ideological, political, ethical, moral, economic,
cultural, and ethnic issues that have dominated the
life of the country from the moment Macedonia became
fully independent and a sovereign state back in 1991
to today. These issues as already stated, both internal
and external, stand as serious obstacles on Macedonia’s
road to integration into the EU and NATO.
When
Macedonia became a sovereign and independent country
in the fall of 1991 it entered the process of political
and economic transition to democracy and free market
economy without any tradition in western democracy,
without real democratic culture, and without qualified
experience with free market economy. Under these unfavorable
circumstances three major ideologically, ethnically,
economically, and culturally antagonistic political
forces, led by a very young, and inexperienced political
elite, fiercely opposing each other, appeared on the
political scene and started their fight for absolute
truth and dominance in Macedonia. In a myriad of ways,
these three continuously opposing forces, - the new-old
communists under a new name SDSM [Social Democratic
Union of Macedonia], the Macedonian nationalists usurping
Macedonian national liberation movement heritage and
using the name VMRO for their new party VMRO-DPMNE,
[Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization–Democratic
Party for Macedonian National Unity], and the Albanian
community rallied around Albanian national cause and
tightly controlled by their parties, Democratic Party
of Albanians [Partia Demokratike Shqiptare] Democratic
Union for Integration [Bashkimi Demokratik për
Integrim], Party for Democratic Prosperity [Partia e
prosperiteti demokratike] - lined exclusively along
their party and ethnic lines and dug themselves deeply
and stubbornly into three different sides of the trenches.
The
list of mischief that the narrow-mindedness of these
parties produced and maintained is very long. And the
damage they caused, consequently became an enormous
inner obstacle on Macedonia’s road to the EU and
NATO.
In
the process of state–building from 1991 to today,
it seems that these three dominant political forces
have never found a common ground on anything. They behaved
as irresponsible and instable bus drivers, as seen in
Slobodan Sijan‘s film of the late eighties “Who
is Singing Over There”, driving “Macedonia’s
bus” into the abyss.
From
the fierce confrontations over the Macedonian constitution
– which, as a result of introduction of a strong
national sentiment in it, rather than a civic vision
- was amended many times – to the confrontations
over the use of Albanian language in the education and
in the country, to the fights over irregularities of
the parliamentary elections, to the armed conflict and
radically different interpretations of the EU imposed
Ohrid agreement in the summer of 2001, to the fights
over territorial and administrative reorganization of
Macedonia in 2005, to the continuous lack of cohabitation
between the government and the President when they are
from the opposite parties - no matter who the ruling
party was or is - and finally to the current bickering
and violence in the parliament last Fall, Macedonian
political elite was incapable of overcoming the differences
in order to pave the way to a real multiethnic, civil,
and democratic society.
For
17 years the leaders of these three dominant political
entities, without democratic capacity, political knowledge,
manners or wisdom, without understanding what a democratic
process really needs, without any will to work together
or to compromise – because to compromise is a
sign of weakness in the Balkans – have fought
for power and their own personal interest and gain,
not “for government of the people, by the people,
for the people” or for democracy and prosperity
of Macedonia. It is apparent that as a result, Macedonia
so far has failed to transition to democracy and freedom.
Democracy has yet to come in Macedonia.
On
that road to hell, paved by good intentions and a lot
of demagogy, it seems that each one of these three dominant
political forces has played significant role and has
contributed to the mischief in its own particular way.
In
the early nineties, the so called “transformed”
communists, along with their spoiled children took over
the old ‘communist’ party. They changed
the name of the party into SDSM, shed its skin, but
did not change the authoritarian one party ideology
and behavior. For more than 16 years the political life
in Macedonia has been marked by the incompetent and
immoral rule of SDSM rookies and grey-haired apparatchiks
– the self serving drivers of the Macedonian bus.
Out of their fear of losing privileges gained in the
previous regime, and out of fear of losing control of
Macedonian politics, they created an environment dominated
by fear and corruption. In that way and with its old
fashioned and dogmatic manners, SDSM became a party
which has promised a lot and delivered nothing. For
all these years, since 1 April 1991, SDSM has been under
a tight control of one person.
Macedonian
Nationalists, on the other hand, or the “patriotic”
block as it is referred to, is organized and represented
by VMRO-DPMNE. Usually they consider themselves to be
the best Macedonians of all Macedonians. This party
is much like the other nationalist parties in the region.
Balkans is fertile ground for nationalism.
Coming
center stage in Macedonian politics DPMNE and its leaders
enthusiastically affirmed the romantic idea of nation
– ethnos, affirmed the right of the ethnic group
instead of rights of the demos. In that poignant political
process the dominance of the class collectivism –
communism - was replaced by the dominance of ethnic
collectivism – nationalism, populism, and recently
increased nepotism. Instead of encouraging real democratic
transition, multiethnic society, tolerance, individual
freedoms and rule of law, and the rights of the citizens,
they opened the door to ethnocracy.
In
their attempt to create Macedonia as a state for ethnic
Macedonians – something that was disastrously
reflected in the Macedonian constitution – and
instead of creating a State of citizens who live in
Macedonia, DPMNE fought for their land only and for
“their nation only”. In so doing and without
a sense for diplomacy Macedonian nationalists dug huge
potholes on Macedonian road to EU. Looking awkwardly
far back to ancient history, glorifying the myths and
dreams of national unity and purity in a time when the
world is rapidly integrating into a global multicultural
electronic village, they actually worked against the
interests of Macedonia. In so doing and keeping nationalist’s
blinders on their heads, defending Macedonia from both
real and imaginary “enemies”, Macedonian
patriots led by DPMNE, returned to the ancient times,
went back looking for the ethnic roots hidden in the
deserts of Alexander the Great’s conquests, and
out of their enormous love for Macedonia hidden in the
far past, sold many companies of paramount strategic
importance to Macedonia, for peanuts. They, along with
SDSM before them, economically devastated the country
with the worst managed privatization in Eastern Europe.
Most shockingly, Macedonian nationalists along with
their counterpoints the Albanian nationalists in the
name of ethnic purity and stability proposed exchange
of people and territories and delineation as a solution
for interethnic relationship.
On
the other hand, the ethnic Albanian parties, also tightly
controlled by their party elites, are almost mirror
image of both SDMS and VMRO. What was said for the previous
two parties may easily apply to PDP or DUI (the ethnic
Albanian parties). Their bickering acts, atavism, feudal
culture, nationalistic narrow-mindedness and stubborn
behavior have built as well huge road blocks on Macedonia’s
road to the EU and NATO.
However,
the lack of sincere trust between Albanians and Macedonians,
or rather searching for, and finding appropriate ways
for justly and rightly accommodating the endless demands
of the Albanians in Macedonia, is probably the single
most serious internal hurdle on Macedonian road to the
EU. Albanian leadership in Macedonia, lined exclusively
along the Albanian ethnic lines, - according to many
Macedonians continuously pampered to by the international
community - has not yet demonstrated that democracy
is their strength and that they have appropriate knowledge
and political capacity for what parliamentary democracy
is really all about. Coming out of a culture of Albanian
Canon of Leka Dukadjini, and bringing to Macedonian
complex environment unquestioned loyalty to their “kinfolk”
community, the Albanian parties have rather demonstrated
that their strength is in carrying Kalashnikovs even
in Churches and the Parliament! From 1992 up until today,
they have continuously put their exclusively Albanian
interests above the interest of Macedonia as a state,
and above the interest of the other ethnic groups living
in Macedonia. From what was witnessed in the recent
past, it seems that their interest is rather focused
on the independence of Kosovo and unification of all
the Albanian cultural space, than on building common
country for all citizens living in Macedonia and living
together with other ethnic groups in a Macedonia. According
to what they have said, done, and how they have behaved
so far, it seems that the idea of a multicultural society
is either alien to the Albanians political leadership
or they see it as two ethnic groups dominating the others.
That is, behind their rhetoric of requests for human
rights for the Albanians in Macedonia, it can be seen
that they continuously try to promote and maintain the
idea of Macedonia as a bi-national consensual confederation.
That status will provide them one day in the future
with a chance to secede and to request independence
from Macedonia, and consequently, unification with the
other Albanian territories. The statement made by the
outgoing president of Kosovo Fatmir Saidiu that if Kosovo
is divided Macedonia can be divided as well is one more
confirmation of where the heart of Macedonian Albanians
really is.
Another
important issue on the complex map of Macedonia is the
relationship within the Albanian community itself, and
the ferocious confrontation between the leading Albanian
political leaders for their dominance within the Albanian
community. Who will be better and bigger Albanian -
is a very important issue. The fight for who is going
to own the souls – and the money - of the Albanians
in Macedonia was even physically brought into Macedonian
parliament.
Many
careful readers and analysts may remember that Mr. Arben
Xhaferi warned at the end of 2000 on the eve of the
armed conflict in Macedonia that the events that started
in the village of Tanushevci and later brought about
an armed conflict actually were first of all “inter-Albanian
issue” and struggle for power within the Albanian
community.
As
a result of this kind of political topography and replacing
each other in ruling the country, with manner of “you
dude get down, so another dude the same as you are should
get up” - Macedonian incompetent, intolerant,
and irresponsible political leadership, representing
all sides of the political spectrum, from both the Macedonian
and Albanian community, brought Macedonia to the abyss
instead of in the front yard of the EU.
In
that process without a rule of law, Macedonia experienced
the worst process of transition to a market economy,
saw corruption as a style of living, destruction of
the moral and economic fabric of the country, disastrous
privatization, pauperization, and increased level of
crime. No matter what was the name of the governing
party in the country, the leadership of the party in
power in authoritarian manners was installing in top
positions young and inexperienced, training on the job
politicians, enforcing politicisation and particisation
of administration, and it was nurturing nepotism as
a system of selection and judgment.
These
very unfavorable circumstances demonstrated that in
Macedonia a culture of long monologues, small town politics,
bickering and violence, primitivism, kitsch, and fear
was inaugurated. However, two key elements stood out:
first, Macedonia became a country with dysfunctional
governmental institutions, with continuous threats with
Kalashnikovs, violence and shameful images from the
parliament, and second it became a country governed
and driven by authoritarian and demagogic political
leadership which remained closed and fearful of differences,
fearful of “the other”, leadership very
often uneducated and without ability to communicate,
or without a will for coexistence of different options,
without culture for dialogue and exchange of ideas,
without a will for building truly multicultural society
in Macedonia. As a result of these deficiencies and
misunderstanding EU’s requests for dialogue –
Macedonian immature politicians, reaching political
decisions outside the parliament and behind the closed
doors, turned Macedonia into a bi-ethic tribal society,
directed “democracy”, ruled by a “gang
of four” tribal chiefs.
In
that context, Macedonian politicians are the most serious
obstacle in Macedonia on its road to the EU and NATO.
There is a serious need to reverse this unproductive
situation in Macedonian, and a need for the entire political
leadership to step down. Macedonia needs a moral rebirth
and complete makeover. However, if Macedonian politicians
would still like to be players in Macedonian politics
and Macedonian future, to be legislators and political
decision makers, then they have to radically change.
And, on the first step in the process of change, they
should be required to learn the basics of democracy
and how the process works. They should be required to
take classes that are taken in elementary school in
this country- US - and to learn what every single child
learns in the first grade when it learns the alphabet.
That is, they have to learn the basics: to listen, respect
each other, apologize, work together, collaborate, and
compromise. And to say thank you as well. Because, as
president Lincoln believed, the main task of a statesman
is to negotiate and seek compromise, to forgive and
look towards the future.
It
order to meet the EU requests and standards for integration
into EU, Macedonian politicians have to do their home-work
without any excuse. If that does not happen, then Macedonia
will continue to be its own worst obstacle as it has
been so far.
Unfortunately,
there is no a single politician in Macedonia who has
“a dream”, a vision for a future of Macedonia,
and who will have the moral credibility to stand up
and say: “It is not what Macedonia can do for
you, but what you can do for Macedonia.”
Macedonian
surroundings, and the EU as a strong and influential
entity coming of age, is the other side of the story
about the Macedonian school bus and its journey on the
potholed road to EU.
Over
the years, the question of whether Macedonia is on the
right path to democracy, and whether it should become
a full member of the European Community has been many
times overshadowed by the inability of the Western European
countries to justly see and understand the problems
in and around Macedonia, and to reach a diplomatic consensus
on these issues.
Touching
upon various levels of concern, from the rule of law,
to human rights and the dangers of nationalism, free
market economy, the issues of tolerance in the region,
the international community has not always been able
to engage in a just and unbiased way to the Macedonian
process of state-building. It has not been able to set
a fair and consistent precedent which would strengthen
Macedonia’s stability and its bid for the EU.
On many occasions because of its inconsistency, double
standards, and inability to make right and just decisions,
there is a bitter sentiment among Macedonian citizens
that the EU and its flip flopping bureaucracy is becoming
very often a part of the problem rather than a part
of the solution. That is why, according to many analysts,
Macedonia is not only a unstable place, but its stability
is a important segment to the stability in that part
of the Balkans. Macedonia may very easily become collateral
damage of European flirtatious politics in the Balkans.
These
kind of EU inconsistencies – along with the lack
of internal cohesion that have kept Macedonia instable
for a long time – have largely increased many
appetites among Macedonia’s surrounding countries
and contenders over its territory, language, or identity.
In that irrational Balkan contest who is going to get
the most out of Macedonia, all neighbors have shown
that they are savvy players. Albania, who is mouth full
of good neighborhood relationship in the region, has
not recognized Macedonia under its constitutional name
and very often threatens its stability with requests
for redressing of Western Macedonia and redrawing the
maps. Bulgaria, who prides itself that has first recognized
Macedonia as a sovereign state and under its constitutional
name, does not recognize Macedonian language or nation
and continuously violates the human rights of Macedonian
minority in Bulgaria. Serbia, particularly its Serbian
orthodox church, if it is not so busy with Kosovo, would
probably intensify its aspirations towards Macedonia.
Greece rejects the constitutional name Republic of Macedonia,
lays claim of exclusive ownership of the name Macedonia,
and denies existence of any kind of Macedonian ethnic
identity.
It
seems however that Greek absurd, aggressive, and irrational
politics in the region, particularly its nationalistic
attitude towards Macedonia, may become the biggest obstacle
to Macedonia’s road to the European Union and
NATO. The fact that Greece, from a position of power
and with a Byzantian rhetoric and false arguments refuses
to accept the constitutional name Republic of Macedonia,
is a serious problem. The fact that Greece does not
“allow the others including Citizens of Macedonia
to enjoy their sovereign right to determine the name
of their own country” [Mark Sounder], and their
right of self-determination, as president Woodrow Wilson
has defined that in his 14 points, is not only a forcefully
imposed problem on EU community and obstacle for Macedonia
but it may become according to many analysts a key factor
in Macedonian and Balkan stability.
According
to many indicators it is apparent that the name Macedonia
is not the problem. The problem with Greece in the region
is deeper, more complex, and dangerous. First of all
it is the Greek own nationalism and aggressive ethnic
intolerance in the Balkans, the Greek xenophobia, which
creates inflaming situations highly charged by nationalistic
passions. Greece like no other country in the Balkans
for many years has violated the human rights of those
who are not Greeks by birth. In dong so, for many years,
Greece has practiced a politics of continuous administrative
ethnic cleansing of Macedonians.
From
1912, from the moment when the Bukurest treaty was signed,
and as a consequence of that treaty Macedonia was partitioned
and divided between Bulgaria, Serbia, and Greece, to
today, Greece has been continuously enforcing its expansionistic
politics in regard to Macedonia.
Here
are some examples of the Greek policy towards Macedonia
during that long period:
In
1912 and 1913 after Bucharest treaty was signed, more
than 100.000 Macedonians from Kukus [Kilkis in Greek]
and Seres have fled Macedonia escaping the Greek terror.
Between 1924-1925, more than 348.000 Turks left from
the part of Macedonia given to Greece and move to Turkey,
while more than 600.000 Greeks – called prosfigi
or madziri - from the Black Sea area and Asia Minor
were resettled in that part of Macedonia.
All Macedonians who were born on today’s Greek
soil, who participated in the Greek civil war 1946-1948
and along many Greeks fought on the side of Democratic
Army of Greece [??µ???at???? St?at?? ????da? DSE],
after the defeat of DAG were expelled from Greece and
became political refugees. They as well, were deprived
from their citizenship and their property was confiscated.
Still today, they and their families, including more
than 30.000 children, are denied entry into Greece and
as a consequence they denied their basic human right
to return to their homes and to reclaim their property.
In
1981 Andreas Papandreou’s PASOK won the elections
and announced that all political refugees who had been
expelled from Greece after the Civil War would be able
to return to Greece after more than 32 years of exile
and to reclaim their citizenships, civil rights, and
properties. However, this new law, introduced 1982,
let only the Greeks by origin – those “Greeks
by genus” - to return. The law was passed in 1985
however, more than 100.000 Macedonians and their families
who according to this law are not Greeks by origin –
“by genus” - were not and they are still
not allowed to return to Greece and to restore their
citizenship, and to reclaim their confiscated properties.
Over
the years in the part of Macedonia which according to
Bucharest treaty was given to Greece enormous number
of Macedonian names and toponyms.
were changed into Greek names and toponyms.
Those
Macedonians who live in Greece - in the country which
prides itself as a cradle of democracy - unfortunately
are denied their right and freedom to study in their
own language, nurture their culture, or to establish
their own associations and religious institutions. Macedonians
who have raised voices against the Greek harassment,
like the members of Macedonian organization Rainbow,
have been intimidated, harassed, imprisoned, and often
have had their properties confiscated.
For
that matter the Human Rights Watch-Helsinki in its report
entitled “Denying Ethnic Identity: The Macedonians
of Greece”, writes: “The Greek Government
denies that a Macedonian minority exists in Greece.
It refers to ethnic Macedonians as “Slavophones”
or “Slav- Speakers”. The official Greek
position is that the Greek state is ethnically homogeneous,
the only exception being the Muslim minority in western
Thrace-which is in reality a Turkish minority…
The Greek Government’s denial of the existence
of the Macedonian minority violates international human
rights agreements to which the Greek Government is a
party. (Under international law), minority identity
is a matter to be determined by the individual, and
not by the state.”
In
1992 as a measure to threaten the independence of Macedonia
and to force her to change the constitutional name,
after mass and frenetic rallies in Athens and Thessalonica,
events reminiscent of the mass psychology of Nazism
and their rallies in Nuremberg, Greece imposed damaging
economic sanctions on Macedonia which lasted 18 months.
Greece
shamelessly manipulates international community and
continuous to use the offensive acronym FYROM as a name
of Macedonia. This offensive name does not exist in
any document. The name which, according to Macedonian
diplomat Ivan Toshevski, is used as a temporary name
in the UN is former yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
That is lower cases for former and yugoslav and capital
letters for Republic of Macedonia.
However as one can find in the Greek documents and newspapers
- “there were periods in Greece when use of the
name ‘Macedonia’ was avoided with administrative
measures. After the Balkan wars (1912- 13) the area
of Macedonia under Greek rule was called the ‘New
territory’ while the Ministry in Salonika was
called the Ministry of Northern Greece.” (Shea,
20-21) .
Peter Hill, professor of Slavonic studies at the University
of Hamburg in Germany, sees Greek absurd behavior in
this way: “Funnily enough, northern Greece was
for many years called just that, “Northern Greece”...
and the name Macedonia was considered somehow suspect....
But three years ago that all changed. Now that name,
Macedonia, is at the heart of a dispute that has paralyzed
the foreign policy of the European Community and brought
thousands of people onto the streets of Melbourne, Sydney,
Canberra and Brussels.” (Shea, 20-21)
All these examples can attest easily that Greece not
only violates The United Nations Declaration on the
Human and the basic principles of Paris Charter, but
can attest as well, to the sophisticated - if you prefer
- political and cultural genocide – that Greece
is committing in regard to Macedonia and its identity.
In
that light, another problem is the reality in which
Greece holds the EU hostage by imposing its self-serving
interest over those of the EU. And the reality that
Greek nationalist politics are still tolerated by the
European Union today, is actually a serious litmus test
for the EU political capacity, its sense of justice,
and ability to integrate in a fair and just way into
the EU, not only Macedonia but the western Balkans as
well. For more than 100 years from the Berlin Congress
in 1878 (June 13 - July 13, 1878) until today, Europe
has had serious difficulties articulating clear, consistent,
and just policy towards the Balkans and towards Macedonia.
If European political establishment really wants to
create a European Union based on the principals of the
Paris Charter of New Europe, the ideas that charted
a common vision for the future of Europe that embraced
democracy as “the only system of government of
the our [European i.m.] nations,” [Charter of
Paris], and outlined as well the fundamental human rights
and economic freedoms to which all people are entitled,”
that “the era of confrontation and division of
Europe has ended” [Charter of Paris], and that
therefore relations based on respect and cooperation
are needed, then many issues in regard to Greece’s
selfish and dangerous politics and behavior should be
addressed promptly. As Hans Lothar Steppan, former German
ambassador to Macedonia, writes “it was the European
Union who uncritically supported Greece and contributed
to the creation of this problem and it bears responsibility
to justly solve it.” [Steppan, Forum Plus] And
as president Lincoln has said: there are no final solutions,
if you want to have one, you have to make just decisions.
To
that end everyone on the Balkans talks about looking
to the future but no one is taking the first step to
get out from their entrapment in the mad of the past.
If the Politics is an art of imagining what possible
then, I would like to echo the words of president Regan:
Your excellences, foreign Minister Bakoyanni, prime
Minister Cramanlis, President Carolos Papulas, tear
down those walls, open the borders between Greece and
Macedonia. Lets go together to the future.
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